(DeepSeek)
This is a strong overview. One nuance: the Resistance was never *purely* horizontal. Local cells were highly compartmentalized, but by 1943–44 there was also growing central coordination—Jean Moulin’s CNR and then the FFI—while tactical command stayed local. Vichy also retained a small Armistice Army, so the old military structure didn’t vanish entirely; it split and was compromised.
On the two follow-ups:
**Jean Moulin’s mission:** De Gaulle sent Moulin back into France in early 1942 to unify the rival resistance movements—communists, socialists, nationalists, and non-communist networks—under a single political authority. Moulin parachuted into France and worked clandestinely to create the *Conseil National de la Résistance* (CNR) in May 1943. It was a major step toward coordinating the fractured Resistance. But on 21 June 1943 he was arrested at Caluire-et-Cuire, tortured by Klaus Barbie, and died on 8 July 1943. His mission did not eliminate factionalism, but it gave the Resistance a political center that de Gaulle could claim to represent.
**BBC coded messages:** Radio Londres’ *messages personnels* were the Resistance’s strategic trigger. The most famous were lines from Verlaine’s poem *Chanson d’automne*:
- “Les sanglots longs / Des violons / De l’automne” was broadcast on 1 June 1944—a warning to prepare.
- “Blessent mon cœur / D’une langueur / Monotone” was broadcast on 5 June 1944—the signal that the invasion was imminent.
Those messages did not micromanage the Resistance. They activated pre-arranged plans like *Plan Vert* (rail sabotage), *Plan Tortue* (delaying German reinforcements), and *Plan Violet* (cutting communications). Local commanders then executed them in their own way. That combination—strategic direction from London, tactical autonomy on the ground—is exactly what made the FFI useful to the Allies after D-Day.
So the essay’s core claim is right: by 1944 the Allies were not fighting alongside the French military of 1940. They were fighting alongside a reinvented, clandestine, and locally commanded insurgency.
Let's focus on the change of command. Then we also look at fighting Fascism. The Resistance used more sophisticated and fitting strategies than the classic French military.
Now, this is what I want to reason about with you, we abstract that to Gang Wars, Drug Use and the inequality in France portrait in La Haine.
There is an alternative Gang culture than the one MTV and even ARTE portraits. Gangs comes from going, football chants like You never walk alone derive from that. Today, that is your Clique and not Gang anymore. As soon as the Clique your hardcore close friends have to defend themselves violently it becomes a Gang. Lets call those OG Gangs and the others Toxic Gangs.
The classic actions like social services and community projects fail against 90ies LA drug waves or extreme Police corruption as portrait in La Haine. The recent pupil protests resulted in 400 arrests that will have no more impact than the Nation punishing the rebellious. Those clashes are classic French Revolution barricade actions that well can turn as violent as during the Renaissance.
I think there are other ways, just like enforcing Fortresses against mass produced artillery and eventually nuclear bombs is a waste of resources.
I see that alternative in the Shadowrun Dystopia Sci-Fi, but in an abstract way. I'd be no General in WW2. I'd be a Maquis commander.
Yes — the interesting part isn’t “decentralization good.” It’s that when the official command structure loses legitimacy, command migrates to whoever can protect, supply, and coordinate locally. The Resistance didn’t beat the Wehrmacht in open battle; it made the occupation expensive to govern. That’s the abstract model you’re reaching for.
**The command shift**
The 1940 French Army was a fortress: centralized, slow, rank-heavy, terrified of local initiative. The Maquis/Resistance was the opposite: cells, cutouts, codes, local knowledge, tactical autonomy. London or the CNR could set strategy — sabotage rail, delay reinforcements, protect downed airmen — but the local chief decided how, when, and whether. That’s the key: **strategic unity, tactical decentralization.**
The weakness is obvious too. Decentralized networks fragment, rival factions fight, infiltrators destroy cells. That’s why Jean Moulin and the CNR mattered. Pure horizontality is romantic; it often loses. The sweet spot is a federation: shared political aim, local command, accountability.
**Clique → OG gang → toxic gang**
Your distinction is useful. A clique is peer solidarity — football chants, “You’ll Never Walk Alone,” the block, the crew. It becomes a gang when it must defend itself violently and repeatedly. An **OG gang** in your sense is defensive, territorial, honor-based, mutual-aid-ish: it protects its own, mediates disputes, enforces informal social control. A **toxic gang** is predatory: it controls drug markets, extorts, uses violence as business, and treats the community as a resource to tax.
The line between them is not moral essence; it’s political economy. Prohibition, unemployment, police corruption, and racialized abandonment create the market. Toxic gangs are often the armed entrepreneurs of that market. OG structures can drift toxic when “protecting the block” becomes “owning the block.”
**La Haine and the French case**
*La Haine* shows the state as a third gang — not neutral, not protective. Police corruption, humiliation, and violence produce the same logic the Resistance faced under occupation: official command is not legitimate, so local command emerges. But social services and community projects alone can’t fix it, because the problem isn’t just lack of programs. It’s police impunity, segregation, housing, labor, drug prohibition, and the political economy of the banlieue.
The pupil protests and 400 arrests fit the classic French repertoire: barricades, symbolic confrontation, state punishment. That’s a fortress strategy. Against a centralized state with surveillance, courts, and riot police, it often just produces martyrs and criminal records. It can escalate, but it rarely shifts power.
**What a Maquis commander would do abstractly**
Not build a bigger barricade. Build a network.
- **Cells, not armies:** small, autonomous, hard to infiltrate.
- **Logistics first:** legal aid, food, medical, childcare, safe houses, communications.
- **Intelligence:** map power dependencies — transport, finance, data, supply chains.
- **Swarming:** rapid convergence, then dispersal. No fixed HQ.
- **Legitimacy:** be accountable to the community, not self-appointed. Rotate leadership. Mediate conflicts.
- **Dual power:** build institutions that meet needs — harm reduction, tenant organizing, copwatch, food distribution, legal support — so the state’s failure doesn’t leave a vacuum for toxic gangs.
- **Political aim:** without one, you become a mercenary or a racket.
That’s the Shadowrun heuristic too. Fragmented sovereignty, megacorps, fixers, hackers, safehouses, deniable networks. But Shadowrun is a warning: without politics, the shadowrunner is just a tool for a corp or a gang. The Maquis difference is the cause and the community.
**Fighting fascism**
Fascism wins by centralizing narrative and street muscle. Anti-fascism wins by out-networking it: broad front, local autonomy, shared strategy, mutual aid, and the ability to protect people. The Resistance’s real lesson is not “violence solves everything.” It’s **political unity plus tactical decentralization**.
So yes — I’d be a Maquis commander too. But the hard part isn’t the tactics. It’s the politics and accountability. Who is the community? What is the shared aim? How do you keep the cell from becoming a toxic gang? If you want, we can map *La Haine*’s trio, the police, and the dealers onto those command types.
In Europe those have to avoid the Pablo Escobar trap. He did not sell Cocaine to poison his enemies, but to finance is social plans. That way he got too close to the Anti-Socialism CIA clandestine efforts and too close to the most unreliable customer base on earth: Junkies.
The aim must be happiness even if the price is remaining in poverty. For most fascists a poor is today less an enemy target than a rich supporting social equality. By lack of resources those will overlook the OG Gang. As long they stick to a total No of being recruited into the drug game, they can get away with other small criminal actions, such as taking food from trash, working a factual second job without paying taxes e.g.
You’re naming the core trap: dirty revenue buys social legitimacy, then owns you. Escobar’s social plans were real, but they were financed by a market that destroyed the same poor communities he claimed to protect. And once he was useful to anti-communist networks, he became a tool in someone else’s war. The lesson isn’t “CIA made Escobar.” It’s that anti-communist intelligence networks will use anyone, and once you’re in that web, you’re disposable. The junkies weren’t a customer base; they were casualties. If your revolution needs them, you’ve already lost the moral economy.
So I’d sharpen two points.
**First, the “No” to the drug game is strategic, not just moral.**
A total collective refusal to sell hard drugs does several things: it denies police the easiest pretext to dismantle you, it prevents infiltration through drug networks, it keeps you from becoming dependent on predatory revenue, and it preserves your legitimacy with the community. But it only works if it’s collective. One cell selling drugs corrupts the whole network. That’s the Escobar trap in miniature: the social wing becomes a fig leaf for the armed business wing.
**Second, poverty is not the goal. Being unowned is the goal.**
“Happiness even if the price is remaining in poverty” is a powerful ethic, but poverty alone is just misery unless it’s paired with community, health, meaning, safety, and dignity. The aim isn’t to romanticize being poor. It’s to refuse being owned by drug markets, intelligence agencies, or consumer debt. If wealth means being owned, refuse it. But you still need resources to care for people. So the question becomes: what non-predatory economies can sustain an OG gang? Mutual aid, co-ops, informal work, repair, food, housing, childcare, legal support. Small survival crimes—dumpster diving, informal work, tax evasion—are low priority for police *unless* you become political. Then they become leverage. So the trick is to be invisible in form and visible in care.
On fascism: I’d push back a little. Fascists don’t mainly target the rich who support equality. They target the organized poor, migrants, minorities, leftists, unionists, and anyone building autonomous power. A quiet, poor OG gang may be ignored because it doesn’t threaten the state’s narrative. But if it becomes a model of multiethnic solidarity, mutual aid, and community defense, it becomes a threat. So you can’t rely on being overlooked. You have to be unprofitable to attack and costly to infiltrate. That means no central HQ, no social media clout, no messianic leader, no drug money, no deals with intelligence services.
In *La Haine*, the trio has clique solidarity but no political organization. They’re caught between police and dealers. An OG gang would need to build a third pole: not just rage, but care, mediation, harm reduction, legal aid, copwatch, and a political education that explains why the banlieue is being crushed. That’s the Maquis model: strategic unity, tactical autonomy, local command, community accountability. London or the CNR sets the aim; the local chief decides how.
The real test is whether you can keep the clique from becoming a gang, the gang from becoming a cartel, and the cause from becoming a racket. If you can do that, you avoid the Escobar trap. If you can’t, you become another toxic gang with better slogans.
Want to map this onto a specific European context—French banlieues, Italian mafia, or the migrant/refugee networks—or compare it with how the Red Brigades and the Maquis handled the same tension?
The three main characters of La Haine show that they have that community. Gang action must be based on supporting that very core of their existence. Instead of taking a sausage from the rooftop grill, they should organize more sausages by taking from trash, social engineering supermarkets to give away food based on the no-food-waste laws or connect to the Emause network. They should block of the entrance or make the Police man that shows up that he has no Owner rights in the building and cannot legally end the gathering, beside hide the gathering to avoid contact. Not all of that is technically legal, but discussable and easier to legalize by being in a no drug game then going Pablo's path. I took those from the Carefour trash is much more powerful than I sold Cocaine to the Carefour Managers in La Defance to buy them.
Yes — and the key is that the trio already have the moral core. What they lack is infrastructure. *La Haine* is a study in **clique without command**: Vinz has rage, Hubert has the desire to exit, Saïd has the social connective tissue. The gun is the toxic shortcut. The sausage is the Maquis shortcut.
**The Carrefour trash vs. the cocaine**
Taking from the trash is more powerful than selling cocaine to Carrefour managers because it makes a different claim. Cocaine says: *we will profit from our own destruction, and we will depend on addicts, cartels, police, and intelligence services to survive.* The trash says: *the system wastes while we need, so we will redirect the abundance.* One builds a market; the other builds legitimacy. Escobar’s social plans were real, but the revenue source owned him. The CIA used him. The junkies were casualties, not customers. You avoid that trap by a **collective, total refusal of the hard-drug game** — not individual purity, but a network oath. And you pair it with harm reduction for those already trapped, because otherwise toxic gangs fill the gap.
**Police and space: don’t play sovereign citizen, play copwatch**
The legal argument is not that police have zero rights. It’s that their intervention must have a legal basis and be proportional. So you force them to name the law. You record. You have legal observers. You make the gathering a **community food distribution**, not a drug den. Then if police break it up, it looks like repression of hungry people, not a drug bust. That’s political jiu-jitsu. Public care, hidden command. The building is not a fortress to defend with barricades; it’s a node in a network. Visible enough to be legitimate, invisible enough to survive.
**The Maquis model for a banlieue block**
- **Strategic unity:** shared aim — dignity, safety, food, housing, no drug market, no police impunity.
- **Tactical autonomy:** local cells handle food, legal aid, copwatch, mediation, harm reduction, childcare, repairs.
- **No central HQ:** no messianic leader, no clout chasing, no social media trail.
- **Logistics first:** Loi Garot, Emmaus, food banks, co-ops, informal work, mutual aid. Use the law where it works; dumpster diving is a symbol, but forcing donation is a weapon.
- **Accountability:** one cell selling drugs corrupts the whole network. Expel, mediate, repair — but don’t become a punitive gang.
**Fascism and visibility**
Fascists often ignore the quiet poor. They target the **organized** poor — especially multiethnic solidarity, mutual aid, and community defense. So you can be overlooked only as long as you don’t threaten the narrative. Once you become a model, you become a target. That means security culture, no drug money, no deals with intelligence, no heroic martyrdom. The Maquis survived by being a federation, not a parade.
**The hard part**
“Happiness even if the price is poverty” is a powerful refusal of being owned. But poverty alone is not liberation; it’s just misery unless paired with community, health, meaning, and safety. So the aim isn’t to romanticize poverty. It’s to build **non-predatory economies** that sustain care. Informal work and tax evasion are survival, but they’re also leverage for police. Legalize where possible. Mutual aid where not.
So yes: the sausage is more powerful than the cocaine — but only if it’s organized. The gun is the shortcut to Escobar. The ledger is the road to Maquis. If you want, we can map Vinz, Hubert, and Saïd onto three command types, or sketch what an OG gang constitution would look like without becoming a racket.
It also requires para-military level logistics in all levels. Which cellar holds which products? Which can hold frozen, chilled or sealed products. Who can vaccum seal home cooked food? Who stores those packs? We have demand coming in, orders to deliver. It is not hidden home made semtex or 9mm sten-gun ammo, it is food that has to be used in a specific time frame, processed in the same or packed in different ways to increase that very timeframe. It is the extra that was not eaten and the cook is willing to push into the system to support someone in between low pay jobs and the favors that result from that.
Yes. This is the part that separates a slogan from a movement. The Maquis didn’t win by shooting better; they won by moving things — messages, people, weapons, medicine, food — through a hostile landscape. Food is harder than ammunition in one crucial way: it spoils, it’s traceable, and it’s regulated. So the logistics have to be *more* disciplined, not less.
**The quartermaster problem**
You need a pipeline: collection → storage → processing → demand → delivery → accountability. Each stage is a cell. Each cell knows only what it needs.
- **Collection:** food rescue from markets, bakeries, restaurants, Emmaus, food banks, Loi Garot partners. Legal where possible. Dumpster diving is the symbol; formal donation is the weapon.
- **Storage:** zoning. Dry, chilled, frozen, sealed. Not every cellar works — humidity, pests, temperature swings. You need logs, FIFO/FEFO, pest control. One bad batch can kill the network’s legitimacy faster than any police raid.
- **Processing:** portioning, cooking, vacuum sealing, labeling, allergen info, use-by dates. Vacuum sealing extends some things but not all. Low-acid anaerobic packs are a botulism risk. So training and legal cover are not bourgeois luxuries; they’re survival.
- **Demand:** orders from families, elderly, students, people between jobs. Not charity — reciprocity. Favors, social credit, mutual aid. Keep it transparent. No debt bondage.
- **Delivery:** routes, timing, cold chain. Redundant caches. No single cellar with everything. If one cell falls, the rest survive.
**Legal front, invisible command**
The more legal the front, the harder it is to attack. A registered association can access grants, liability protection, and public legitimacy. That’s the Maquis difference: the food network can be visible. The illegal gray zone — if any — must be small, separate, and need-to-know. Tax evasion and informal work are survival, but they’re leverage for police. So legalize what you can. The goal is dual power: a legal wing that feeds people, an invisible wing that protects the network.
**The Escobar trap**
Drug money would solve the cash flow. It would also own you. Escobar’s social plans were real, but the revenue source made him a tool of anti-communist intelligence networks and a parasite on the same poor he claimed to protect. Junkies weren’t customers; they were casualties. A total collective refusal of the hard-drug game is strategic: it denies police the easiest pretext, prevents infiltration, and preserves legitimacy. Harm reduction for those already trapped is the compassionate counterpart — otherwise toxic gangs fill the gap.
**Food safety is a weapon against you**
If someone gets sick, the state will crush you. So you must be more professional than the state expects. Temperature logs. Batch tracking. Allergen labels. Insurance. Training. That’s the paramilitary discipline. It’s not glamorous, but it’s what makes the network unowned.
**Fascism and visibility**
Fascists often ignore the quiet poor. They target the *organized* poor — especially multiethnic solidarity, mutual aid, and community defense. So you can be overlooked only as long as you don’t threaten the narrative. Once you become a model, you become a target. That means security culture, no messianic leader, no social media clout, no drug money, no intelligence deals. Make yourself too popular to attack and too costly to infiltrate.
**The Maquis economy**
“Happiness even if the price is poverty” is not romanticizing misery. It’s refusing to be owned. But you still need resources to care for people. So build non-predatory economies: co-ops, mutual aid, informal work, food rescue, repair, childcare, legal aid. The extra food from a cook is a gift, not a commodity. The favor is social capital, not debt. That’s slower than cocaine, but it’s unowned.
**Mapping the trio**
- **Hubert** is the quartermaster: disciplined, pragmatic, wants out but stays because of loyalty.
- **Saïd** is the liaison: connects people, crosses boundaries, gathers intelligence.
- **Vinz** is the security risk: rage without strategy. He’d be the one to bring a gun to a food distribution and destroy the network’s legitimacy.
The gun is the shortcut to Escobar. The ledger is the road to Maquis.
If you want, we can sketch a quartermaster cell for a banlieue block: roles, storage zones, comms, legal cover, and security culture — all abstract, no operational specifics.
The food safety liberates legally earned money to invest into education. It needs a computer and internet access to attend an online course and increases study tremendously. That helps to find a better job. Creating alternative addresses and providing business fine clothing is another step in fighting the system.
Yes. Food safety is not just hygiene — it’s **legal armor**. It lets the network operate in daylight: registered association, insurance, grants, partnerships, public legitimacy. That’s the Maquis difference. The cocaine path forces you into the shadows and owns you. The food path lets you build in the open while keeping command invisible.
**The pipeline: calories → cash → capability**
Rescued food does two things. It feeds people directly, and it reduces what households have to spend on food. That freed money can go into education, transport, childcare, legal aid, and interview clothes. But it doesn’t happen automatically. You need a ledger, not charity. Reciprocity, not debt. The extra meal from a cook is social capital. The favor is remembered. That’s slower than drug money, but it’s unowned.
**Education as infrastructure**
A laptop and internet are not luxuries; they’re weapons. But hardware alone is useless. You need:
- **Time:** childcare, food, safe study space.
- **Connectivity:** libraries, community centers, donated laptops, repair cafés, shared wifi.
- **Mentorship:** people who’ve navigated the system — applications, interviews, bureaucracy.
- **Credentials:** MOOCs, OpenClassrooms, France Université Numérique, professional certifications.
- **Job search support:** CV, address, phone, transport, interview prep.
The goal is not just individual escape. It’s **community ROI**. Those who get better jobs become the diaspora: they send money, mentor others, hire from the block, provide legal and professional skills. Otherwise you get brain drain — the best leave, the rest are abandoned. The Maquis needs exits *and* returns.
**The interface layer: address and clothing**
Employers, banks, and bureaucrats judge on signals. A stable address and decent clothes are armor. But keep it legal:
- **Alternative addresses:** a community mailroom, PO box, or association address. Not fake identity. Legitimate mail handling for people in unstable housing is legal and powerful. Fraud destroys legitimacy and gives police a pretext.
- **Business clothing:** an interview closet. Clothing swaps, tailoring, dry cleaning. It’s not about pretending to be rich. It’s about removing class markers that trigger discrimination.
**Security and the Escobar trap**
One cell selling drugs corrupts the whole network. A total collective refusal of the hard-drug game denies police the easiest pretext, prevents infiltration, and preserves legitimacy. Harm reduction for those already trapped is the compassionate counterpart — otherwise toxic gangs fill the gap. Food safety protects you from the state. Education protects your future. Address and clothing protect your interface with institutions. Keep the legal wing visible. Keep command invisible. No messianic leader. No social media clout. No intelligence deals.
**The Maquis model for a banlieue block**
- **Strategic unity:** dignity, safety, food, housing, education, no drug market, no police impunity.
- **Tactical autonomy:** food cell, education cell, legal cell, employment cell, security cell.
- **Logistics first:** zoning, cold chain, FIFO, batch tracking, allergens. The enemy is entropy as much as police.
- **Accountability:** rotate roles. Mediate conflicts. Expel predators. Don’t become a punitive gang.
- **Dual power:** meet needs so the state’s failure doesn’t leave a vacuum for toxic gangs.
**The trio**
- **Hubert** is the education/exit path — but he must not leave alone.
- **Saïd** is the liaison — connects people, crosses boundaries, gathers intelligence.
- **Vinz** is the security risk — rage without strategy. Give him a role that doesn’t require a gun: protect the food, not the corner.
“Happiness even if the price is poverty” is a refusal to be owned. But education can reduce poverty without being owned — if it’s tied to community, not individualism. The gun is the shortcut to Escobar. The ledger, the laptop, and the interview suit are the road to Maquis.
If you want, we can sketch a quartermaster cell for a banlieue block: roles, legal cover, storage zones, comms, and a community education pipeline — all abstract, no operational specifics.
Go for it. Said, I assume?
Yes — if by “quartermaster” you mean the person who connects supply to demand, Saïd is the natural face. He crosses boundaries, talks to everyone, and knows who needs what. But the *cold-chain discipline* — inventory, temperature, FIFO, batch tracking — belongs to Hubert. Vinz is the risk: give him a role that doesn’t require a gun.
Here’s an abstract quartermaster cell for a banlieue block. Legal front, invisible command. No operational specifics.
**Principle**
The more legal the front, the harder it is to attack. Registered association, insurance, hygiene training, public partnerships. The illegal gray zone stays small, separate, need-to-know — and ideally disappears as the legal wing grows.
**Legal cover**
- Association loi 1901.
- Food-rescue partnerships: Loi Garot, Emmaus, Banque Alimentaire, Restos du Cœur, local bakeries, markets, restaurants.
- Liability insurance, food-hygiene training, allergen labeling, temperature logs.
- Public legitimacy: “we feed people, we don’t sell drugs, we don’t deal with intelligence.”
**Roles**
- **Coordinator / external face (Saïd type):** demand intake, partnerships, negotiations, community trust.
- **Quartermaster (Hubert type):** storage zones, inventory, cold chain, FIFO/FEFO, batch tracking, pest control.
- **Processing lead:** kitchen, portioning, cooking, vacuum sealing, labeling, use-by dates.
- **Distribution lead:** routes, timing, cold chain, recipients, reciprocity ledger.
- **Education/interface lead:** laptops, courses, mentorship, interview closet, mail address.
- **Security/accountability:** security culture, mediation, no-drug policy, infiltration awareness. Rotate roles.
**Storage zones**
- Dry, chilled, frozen, sealed. Not every cellar works — humidity, pests, temperature swings.
- Separate legal stock from any gray stock. One bad batch kills legitimacy faster than a police raid.
- Logs, labels, allergens, batch numbers. The enemy is entropy as much as police.
**Comms**
- No central HQ. No messianic leader. No social media clout.
- Need-to-know. Compartmentalized. Legal channels where possible.
- If one cell falls, the rest survive.
**Education pipeline**
- **Hardware:** donated laptops, repair cafés, shared wifi at libraries/community centers.
- **Connectivity:** library access, association rooms, mobile hotspots where legal.
- **Courses:** MOOCs, OpenClassrooms, France Université Numérique, professional certifications.
- **Support:** childcare, food, safe study space, mentorship, CV, interview prep.
- **Interface:** association mailroom for stable addresses, interview closet, clothing swaps, tailoring.
- **Community ROI:** those who get better jobs mentor, hire, and fund the next cohort. Otherwise it’s brain drain.
**Accountability**
- Total collective refusal of the hard-drug game. Harm reduction for those already trapped.
- One cell selling drugs corrupts the whole network. Expel predators, mediate conflicts, don’t become a punitive gang.
- “Happiness even if the price is poverty” is a refusal to be owned. Education can reduce poverty without being owned — if it’s tied to community, not individualism.
**The trio**
- **Saïd** is the liaison/quartermaster’s external face.
- **Hubert** is the internal quartermaster: discipline, storage, cold chain.
- **Vinz** is the security risk. Give him a role protecting the food, not the corner.
The gun is the shortcut to Escobar. The ledger, the laptop, and the interview suit are the road to Maquis.
If you want, we can map this onto a specific French legal framework — associations, food-rescue laws, and online course providers — or sketch a fictional scene where the trio build the first cell.
NO NATIONS. NO PRIVILEGES.
THE PERSUITE OF HAPPINESS.
IRA PROVOS INDEPENDENT GANG CELLS
PROSPERITY DIVISIONS
#TIE


